Responding to the far right in Scotland

DLS's national convenor Stuart Fairweather raises questions for discussion in the wake of the weekend's right-wing so-called "national strike", and counter-protests in Scottish cities

Back on May 1st, people went to the polls in English council elections. The results and associated mayoral outcomes caused a panic for the Keir Starmer led administration at Westminster. Runcorn's new Reform MP made matters worse for Labour. Since then the Prime Minister has talked about us being an "island of strangers".

Scottish and Welsh elections are still almost a year away - but for those that measure politics in little more than electoral terms there is real concern. First Minister Swinney’s summit was an illustration of this. Concern appeared to be moving in the direction of action. 

Then, in late May, we saw adverts for a Great British National Strike popping up on computer screens. A strange mix of issues were highlighted - but the style and tone were clearly that of those that wish to attempt to "make Britain great again". Immigration is the problem. White people are simultaneously victims and of unique importance. 

Across the left there was a rush to respond in some fashion. The shadowy nature of the right’s communications made it difficult to clearly label the messenger. Additionally, in some quarters, residual Scottish myths about things being different needed to be challenged. Groups got ready for May 24. 

Those with a history of challenging the far-right in overt racist and fascist form, those recently involved in protesting against the genocide in Gaza, students and trade unionists were the audience for mobilisation. There was uncertainty in terms of what to expect.

A recent 25% local government election result for Reform in Clydebank should have given some cause for concern. Reform voters are not simply the same individuals that have made up the membership of yesteryear's BNP or Scottish Defence League. They are not a new version of the Homeland Party or Patriotic Alternative.

But on the streets at events called by the right there are connections and overlaps. Those with distorted concerns stand next to overt racists. And if some of them express concern at being called racist, they would do well to reflect upon who they are associating with.

On the 24th activity took place in Glasgow and Edinburgh, Dundee and Aberdeen. In Aberdeen the right's numbers were a concern. In Glasgow and Edinburgh there were stand offs which looked to follow familiar routines. And in Dundee, the assorted left saw off a relatively small confused group of people surprised at there being any organised opposition to them - alongside a few motivated by their opposition to everything woke and 'lefty' .

Concerningly, however, the right on this occasion were Dundonians: they had not been bussed in, as had been the case in the past. Tactics, of course, needed to be improvised. But particularly where there was music, poetry, pipers and dancing in addition to the well-worn face off and chanting, the right felt deflated. The right's slogans about small boats, grooming gangs, ‘black immigrants’, and terrorists seemed disjointed and confused. But the fears propagating these chants appeared all too real.

Unquestionably, more detailed analysis of what took place is needed if we are to learn how to respond. What happens now? June 5th will see the people of Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse elect a new MSP. Ten candidates on the ballot paper suggests that voters will have a choice. How superficial or otherwise this is, is the subject for another article. SNP, Green and SSP candidates, arguably, offer something different to those that once voted Labour. But these voters, alongside conservatives and new electors will also be offered the opportunity to vote Reform. Irrespective of the turnout, the results will be interesting. 

But combatting the far-right extends far beyond opposing them confidently and effectively in elections. There is an urgent need to build a modern culture of the left. One that has an input into real lives in communities and workplaces. One that celebrates diversity and that has an accessible cultural offering. And one that meaningfully addresses economic realities and social concerns.

On the 24th of May, one of the most effective arguments put against those that assembled from the right was that millionaires like Tice and figures like Farage have nothing in common with the working class and offer no solutions in reality.

Communicating this in ways which convince thousands of those who are currently attracted by the reactionary and false "solutions" of Reform is is one of the many tasks that we face. 

Published 26 May 2025