Thoughts on the election outcome

Whilst the storm clouds began to gather over Downing Street, Democratic Left Scotland members and friends met online last week to discuss the prospects for the left in light of the outcome of the Scottish Parliament election. 

Maggie Chapman MSP, Coll McCail and Simon Barrow supported the discussion by giving perspectives from Green, Labour and SNP standpoints. 

There was an acknowledgment that this had not been an overwhelming election. There had been limited capacity within the mainstream parties to engineer impressive ground campaigns across the country. There were local exceptions: the Green constituency victories in Edinburgh and Glasgow were acknowledged in this regard.  But it is noteworthy that the Labour and SNP machines are not what they were. 

Added to this the election campaign felt somewhat apolitical. In part due to the managerialism of John Swinney’s SNP and certainly in light of Anas Sarwar’s ‘presidential' approach to Labour’s engagement with the electorate. His 'give me five years' call at the STUC in Dundee last month felt like a child-like plea to be given a turn on the swings.

Given this apolitical approach the situation at Alexander Denis bus builders was overshadowed, Ming Yang’s thwarted plans for renewables production at Ardersier ‘forgotten’ and ongoing job cuts at universities ignored. Worse still, SNP announcements of forthcoming public sector job cuts in the guise of efficiencies received extremely limited critical attention. 

Maggie Chapman was congratulated on her re-election. Maggie talked about the positive increase in the number of Scottish Green MSPs and the diversity of the group. A diversity that needs to be located in an understanding of class. The increase in publicity for Greens due to the progress of the Green Party of England and Wales was acknowledged but localised hard work was also a feature of the Scottish party’s approach. 

Part of the Scottish Green success was down to, to some degree, not being seen as 'business as usual’, pushing minimum income guarantee being given as an example. More broadly, the question of where the left feels at home was floated. Gillian's McKay’s speech to the STUC congress last month was highlighted in this regard. 

With 15 MSPs there is now more that the Scottish Greens can do. More linking with local campaigns, trade unions, and those that oppose the far-right. This in part should be done to ensure that the MSP are ‘kept honest’. The 15 will have a role in keeping pressure on the Scottish Government, distinct from the approach of Labour and Reform UK. 

Coll McCail talked about the banal nature of the campaign and the failure to address the health and purpose of the Scottish economy. The side stepping of the £5 billion gap in Scottish finances and a government yet again returned that is promising massive cuts to public services. 

Importantly, Coll focussed on the rise of the right and the need to get beyond the pretence of Scottish exceptionalism. Reform now has 17 MSPs elected by 380,000 voters, many of them new voters. Is it wise for John Swinney to exclude them from discussions? Allowing them to paint themselves as outsiders rather than recycled Tories. It was suggested that ‘set-piece battles’ with Reform are needed. 

Thought needs to be given to where Scottish Labour are now (17 MSPs). There is no real anchor for the Labour left within Holyrood. 

Simon Barrow suggested that the growth of the Greens in England is welcome. Plaid Cymru’s victory in Wales was welcome. The SNP wining an historic fifth term was noteworthy whilst acknowledging the limited campaign. 

Just transition, industrial policy, local government and public services have all seen limited advance or have meagre prospects of progress yet the SNP won (58 MSPs)

Frustratingly, SNP party policy on the above areas is good. Implementation less so. Alliances between those asserting these policies and the Greens could potentially be a line of advance. 

A similar approach to taxing the rich was suggested.   But it was suggested that John Swinney may feel more inclined to find support from the Liberal Democrats than others, on this and other areas of governmental delivery. 

The pro-Indy mandate should not be ignored. An increase in the number of pro-independence MSPs is a fact. How this allows for moving beyond the limits of the present devolution settlement needs consideration. 

Almost inevitably a discussion soon after the election outcome led to more questions than answers. But these questions were not unimportant. One in particular centred on the nature of class in Scotland today. How do we understand this and what actions can we take to develop class consciousness from a limited base of trade union membership and activism.?

Can clues to answering the above questions come from the activity which trades unions are undertaking in communities? And given the inter-sectional nature of our class where else can we build from? The defence of the fire service, feminist alliances in parliament, a recognition that local government is in danger and that this will impact real lives?

Overt attacks on public services may meet with resistance from trades unionists defending their sectional interests but this will not be enough to challenge a further move to the right in Scottish politics. A politics that is not immune to the dynamics of Westminster or global capitalism. 

Growing militarism , corrupt and ill thought-out use of AI, and attacks on welfare are all on the horizon. Simple calls for a left politics which build on sites of struggle already lost, sadly, do not take us forward. 

Discussing how we build meaningful alliances that provide material and moral benefits is the priority. Hope may be fragile but the infrastructure for that hope needs to be concrete. Democratic Left Scotland’s discussions will continue. 

Published 18 May 2026